Uncertainty looms over the future of Myanmar’s refugees in Mizoram

31 January 2023

As Myanmar’s political crisis deepens, the refugee situation in Mizoram is becoming increasingly convoluted. Despite continuous support from the state government, CSOs and the public towards the waves of asylum seekers mostly Chins fleeing Myanmar’s military atrocities, there is growing uncertainty about the latter’s future.

According to some estimates, there are currently around 30,000 refugees from Myanmar in 60 refugee camps scattered across Mizoram. The picturesque Thaizawl refugee camp near Lunglei in southern Mizoram is one such major camps which houses over 600 refugees mostly women, children and old people from Matupi district of Chin State. The camp relies on local hospitality, NGO relief assistance and occasional aid from Chin diaspora network.

The prevailing uncertainty has been a result of two factors. First, in the absence of any well-defined legal framework in managing and accommodating refugees in India, the state government has to rely on ad hoc policies for the same. Second, the protracted nature of civil-military conflict in Myanmar means there is no clear timeline on the stay of the refugees in Mizoram, which is already resource-starved and dependent on the central government for funds.

The Mizoram government’s defiance of the Centre’s initial order to pushback refugees had been in response to the escalating humanitarian crisis across the border, driven by ethnic affinity with the incoming refugees, mainly from neighbouring Chin State and Sagaing Region of Myanmar.

The deep sense of ‘brotherhood’ has become an overarching theme in the Mizo-Chin ethnic narratives and the larger cross-border solidarity rooted in common origin, language, culture and religion. These are intricately weaved into the current refugee discourse despite the fact that certain markers and barriers continue to persist between the two.

There was no fixity of borders prior to the colonial rule and the tribes who came to be roughly categorized as Chins and Lushais loosely understood each other as living east and west of the Tiau River. It is their colonial cartographical separation and post-colonial division into different nation-states that had permanently juxtaposed them as Myanma and Indians.

Although migration is historically a two-way phenomenon, Chins had been continuously compelled to crossover to Mizoram in search of better living prospects. Most of these immigrants were not treated as refugees and they had to carefully navigate the thin line between legality and illegality in their daily struggles making them extremely vulnerable.

Until recently, there was little understanding among the general Mizo public about the Chins’ predicament under the military dictatorship in Myanmar. As a result, Chins faced discrimination, marginalization and harassment by law enforcements or NGO vigilantism and often subjected to ‘Quit Notices’ or ethnic profiling when found involved in anti-social or criminal activities.

Under the National League for Democracy (NLD) government when Myanmar briefly experienced a long-drawn semblance of democracy, the Chins were increasingly inclined to embark on migration to more developed and prosperous countries in the West or Southeast Asia such as Malaysia and Singapore. The number of Chin immigrants in Mizoram began to dwindle and they became less visible in certain economic sectors where they were once actively engaged in such as construction works, timber logging, housemaid services and handloom industries. However, they flourish in petty trades and businesses.

Majority of border crossing in the recent times was directly or indirectly linked to border trade and related activities. A large portion did not intend to settle permanently in Mizoram and constituted what is termed as a ‘floating population’.

The brief stint with democracy had also instilled a new found confidence and optimism amongst the Chins in their country’s future and that indirectly impacted their cross-border relations vis-a-vis the Mizos as the latter began to change the lens with which they perceive the former. The recent phenomenon of openly embracing a large influx of refugees from Myanmar in Mizoram can be attributed to these developments over the past few years.

Chins, who were once labelled “illegal foreigners”, and at times driven out and deported by vigilante groups, now enjoy ‘special guests’ status even as Myanmar’s fragile democratic set up has once again collapsed and the people’s aspirations are brutally crushed.

Mizoram’s ‘open door’ approach towards incoming refugees from across the border has been a culmination of decades of cross-border migration and socio-cultural linkages fuelled by India’s bilateral agreements with Myanmar to boost border trade and free movement. The increase use of social media has also heightened awareness on both sides. As many Chins tuned in to Mizoram’s electoral politics and expressed interest in its outcomes, Mizos have also begun to realize the stakes in the political developments of their neighbouring country.

When Henry Van Thio, a Chin ethnic Christian from Hakha, was elevated to a Vice Presidential position in the previous NLD government, there was palpable excitement and pride among their Mizo brethren. In 2018, Chin MPs had graced Zofest a transborder cultural fest periodically organized by the apex students’ body Mizo Zirlai Pawl. In an ironic turn of events, one of those Chin MPs Pi Ebenezer Siami, a NLD MP and close associate of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, is one of the 29 MPs (6 of whom are ethnic Burman) who had sought shelter in Mizoram.

Pi Siami contends that the fierce opposition to the latest coup d’état has been a result of the NLD’s “successful experiment with democracy” in the past five years prior to the 2020 Election. Remarkably, the shadow National Unity Government (NUG) has two Chin leaders in cabinet positions even as the Chin National Front (CNF) joined forces with the People’s Defence Force (PDF) NUG’s armed resistance wing­­­ to continue in their fight against the Burmese military or the Tatmadaw.

In exile, Pi Siami has not given up hope for a federal democracy in Myanmar even as the situation deteriorates. As a refugee, she felt welcome and at home in Mizoram while expressing concern about overstaying that ‘welcome’ and becoming a potential burden for locals. 

Mizoram simply cannot turn a blind eye to the coup-induced instability, violence and humanitarian crisis unfolding across the border. But there are also legitimate security concerns including a reported increase in narcotics smuggling and other illegal flows and activities.

It is for this reason that a regular and sustained engagement between the central and state governments in direct consultation with various stakeholders is essential to instil mutual trust and cooperation in relief efforts and to make sure that genuine asylum seekers are not further victimized by lack of coordinated support catering to their basic survival needs.

While these refugees either plan to return back home once Myanmar’s situation improves or find resettlement into third countries through the UNHCR route, there are several hurdles in their way which could stall the process. Until then, Mizoram and its people remain their safe haven.

 CV Lalmalsawmi is an Assistant Professor at the Centre for North East Studies and Policy Research, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi. Her research areas include India-Myanmar Relations, Northeast India and Southeast Asia focusing on border and transborder issues concerning the Chins and Mizos.

Disclaimer: The views expressed above belong to the author(s).